Current Affairs in Irish Media

Newspaper industry faces online financial burden

NEWSPAPERS worldwide face economic challenges, as the industry moves from print to the web, Press Ombudsman Prof John Hogan said.

Newspapers will have to compete with other media resources to generate advertising revenue in order to support the rising costs of their own websites, according to Prof Horgan.

He said that the example of the New York Times must act as a stern reminder to all newspapers as they aim to find a way to convert online visits into cash. The New York Times was forced to borrow $250 million (€193 million) to pay off a $1 billion loan.

Prof Hogan, who was speaking to journalism students at the opening of the University of Limerick’s newsroom, said that while these challenges pose a threat to the industry, he expects the press to win the battle.

‘‘Journalism is constantly reinventing itself and I have no doubt that journalism will see itself into the new era with verve,’’ he said.

Prof Horgan added that journalism will survive and flourish ‘‘only if it remains credible.

‘‘There are few more satisfying jobs in the market,’’ he said.

However, he warned that trials and tribulations by media sources against certain people in the public domain are no longer tolerable, unless they are in the public’s best interest.

‘‘There is a tendency in the media to kick people who can’t kick back. Some newspapers have a very narrow view as to who is vulnerable and who is not,’’ he said.

Prof Horgan added that journalists should not interfere with the role of the justice system, but if journalists feel that these institutions are not operating effectively, then criticism is warranted.

‘‘It is important not to forget that we, the people, employ the gardai to catch criminals, and judges to sentence them. If journalists don’t think that these institutions are doing their job properly, then criticism is in order. That is what a free press is for, and very important it is too,’’ he said.

After a very interesting and lively discussion, Mr Horgan added that the current crop of journalism students face exciting times ahead, and that they must adopt a ‘get up and go’ approach to succeed in their future career.

All in all it was a well received discussion and the students were given a great chance to learn about the many positions that journalism graduates have open to them in the future at home or further afield.

In what I felt was an accurate account of the media today and the problems it faces, both economically and physically, Prof Horgan was realistic on the prospects for the media in the future. He noted that accuracy and correct sources must be at the heart of all good journalism, which is a view that good journalists must share.

He discussed the sensationalism of stories by some newspapers, both tabloid and broadsheet, which I thought was an interesting and critical view towards the industry.

It was the first seminar of a 12 long series on Current Issues in the Irish media, designed to give student journalists an insight into the many career options available to them after their degree.

‘‘Comment is free but facts are sacred,’’ says Murtagh


PETER Murtagh is a man who has been through testing times: the Haughey era, the shoot to kill policy, the Troubles and the infamous Geraldine Kennedy phone tapping scandal. He is quick to admit that as an investigative journalist living in this period he had his fair share of the media machine.

He’s worked as a Foreign Editor at the Irish Times, an Opinion Editor, an Editor with the Sunday Tribune and the Guardian. He currently is the Managing Editor of the Irish Times and a motorbike blogger on Outsidein.

In the words of Rubin Frank ‘‘News is what someone wants to suppress. Everything else is advertising,’’ said Mr Murtagh.

Investigative journalism is no routine processing exercise said Mr Murtagh.

‘‘You must act like a police detective,’’ he added.

Verifying sources and using them wisely are the key tools for any investigative journalist, he said.

‘‘Your really only as good as your sources,’’ he added.

He echoed the Press Ombudsman, Prof John Horgan’s comments that journalists cannot assume the role of the gardai and justice systems when investigating crime. There is a danger where people think they are ‘elitist’ and take the law into their own hands, he said.

Mr Murtagh, who was speaking to University of Limerick journalism students, urged them to have the tenacity to keep going when finding a lead story. ‘‘If you knock on 55 doors and get no answer, knock on the 56th,’’ he said.

‘‘Freesheet papers are often scot on,’’ he said before congratulating the UL Graduate Diploma/MA journalism students on producing their own paper The Moyross Voice.

Mr Murtagh, a co-author of ‘The Boss’, discussed the reign of Charles Haughey and the paranoia that surrounded his term in office. Haughey demanded a pledge of support from cabinet ministers in October 1982 and wondered whether he could have a number of Fianna Fail TDs or senators arrested en route to Leinster House to prevent them voting against him during coups against his leadership, he said.

He said that his worst experience during the Haughey affair was when Haughey told him he knew a lot about his family. I wanted to kick the head of him, but I couldn’t, he added.

In a very informative speech delivered to the journalism students, they learned about the life of an investigative reporter, the challenges they face and also about the uniqueness of the career.

Students were also told about the importance of the Freedom of Information act in gaining important documents, which could, in turn lead to front page stories.

Mr Murtagh’s speech concluded the second seminar in a 12 part series of Current Affairs in Irish media at the University of Limerick.

CONOR Kavanagh began his career writing obituaries for his local paper the Dundalk Democrat, now he produces the Pat Kenny show on RTE Radio 1.


He says that his first job set him up for his career as it demanded accuracy and a high degree of knowledge. If you got a Priests name wrong you would certainly know about it, he added.

He’s worked on several RTE programmes including Morning Ireland, Drivetime and Today FM. He attributes his success to his father, who was a photographer and cameraman with the Dundalk Democrat during the Troubles in Northern Ireland.

‘‘From an early age I was out with my father during the Troubles taking photographs,’’ he said. He recalls the IRA car bombs in Newry and the riots in Derry and he showed us some images from his father’s camera, he recalls the early days of his youth.

The Pat Kenny show covers a broad range of topics such as Lisbon debates, alternative transport, economic turmoil, right down to reviewing a book, he said. It involves a lot of organization and planning, he added.

‘‘We do a lot of brainstorming, we start at seven and go through the papers and exchange ideas,’’ Mr Kavanagh said.



"We kick around ideas and sometimes each other. My day really starts when it ends,’’ Mr Kavanagh said, referring to the allocation of time slots for the next days programme.

It’s wonderfully dynamic, a great team spirit, he said before discussing the range of subjects the Pat Kenny show aims to cover. The economic crisis, the FAS scandal and fat cats having a good time at the public’s expense are all in the public interest.

He is quick to issue a stiff warning to the journalism students about judgment and accuracy. There is a ‘‘rush to print and a rush to judgment’’ in today’s media, he said.

‘‘Our reputation rests on accuracy,’’ he added and as RTE is not driven by the need to make money this rarely ever occurs.

In my opinion he summed up broadcast journalism in the words; ‘‘It’s a place apart.’’

He carried himself very well and he was very interesting and easy to listen to. He was eager to learn about what we thought about broadcast journalism and you got the sense that he knew what people were affected by and what makes good news.

It was a stark reminder, however, of the impact of the Troubles, when he told us about a loyalist bomb that went off in Dundalk in 1974, just around the corner from where he worked and two people were killed. He was so open about nearly being killed and he was non-judgemental.

Mr Kavanagh’s speech concluded the third seminar in a 12 part series of Current Affairs in Irish media at the University of Limerick.

DERMOT Mullane is a man who has been around the block. He has worked in both print and broadcast journalism, with the Irish Times and RTE and with TG4 on a consortium technology project.


He also was an anchorman for the evening news and the first Editor for RTE’s Six One and 9 o’clock news respectively.

He echoed the words of the Irish Times managing Editor Peter Murtagh, ‘‘Comment is free facts are sacred,’’ he said. It’s as valid today as it was some 50 years ago, he added.

He discussed the high prestige of the Irish Times and said that it has an international reputation and it is the reporter’s newspaper.

He urged journalists to remember the ‘‘Where, what, when, where, who and why’’ rule when preparing to write any article. He also said that they must not forget the one foot rule, have a dictionary not less than one foot away at all times.

‘‘It’s a question of professionalism, not a matter of pride,’’ he added. He said that if journalists are in doubt about any aspect of their article they should leave it out. Otherwise, he said the threat of legal action against your paper could spell the end of your career.

Grammar and language are the key tools in good journalism, he said. He took the example of ‘‘Man killed in fall off of bus’’ as the worst constructed headline he had ever seen. He also said that while advancements in technology have helped speed up the process of news writing, it has removed vital checking stages and the likelihood of correcting errors.

‘‘The concept of a style book has also vanished,’’ he said and this has removed a certain degree of clarity, he added.

Mr Mullane called on all journalists to follow the KISS method of news writing-Keep It Simple Stupid, he says with a profound smirk on his face. He added that trust also plays a huge role in news and ‘‘people have in the past gone to jail to protect their sources.’’

The reporter should be a facilitator, he said and they must seek to give the right of reply where possible to all sides in their article.

He added that the news agenda dictates the order of stories covered by RTE news and that the people who deliver the news must have a speed of three words a second or 180 words a minute. Mr Mullane said that broadcast journalists give the news in a short and direct manner, referring to them as the ‘‘fighter squadrons’’ and print journalists go into broad and descriptive detail. They are the ‘‘heavy bombers,’’ he said.

‘’Reporting is the bedrock of journalism. Don’t bring yourself into the news,’’ he said.

In a very interesting discussion on print and broadcast journalism, I found the points on grammar and language to be very interesting. Mr Mullane seems to be old fashioned, but he is right about the use of ‘Americanisms’ and words that convey an opposite meaning to their original use. ‘Presently’ and ‘in what’ were two good examples.

Another interesting point that he mentioned was technology as a hindrance to good journalism. It had never occurred to me that errors could be easily missed by today’s technology, so it was a bit of shock to hear this revelation from Mr Mullane.

The emphasis that he placed on trust and protecting your sources really hit home and was another topical issue which had never before crossed my mind.

Mr Mullane’s speech concluded the fourth seminar in a 12 part series of Current Affairs in Irish media at the University of Limerick.

BRENDAN Keenan is a Group Business Editor with the Irish Independent. He is a man who tells it how he sees it and is not afraid to speak the truth whatever the consequences.


He started his career with the Sunday Times business desk over 30 years ago and he is glad to see that business pages have become a more lucrative attraction today, than they were in the 1970’s.

‘‘Business has moved from the specialist back pages to the front pages,’’ he said.

Business Journalism appeals to two kinds of readers, the specialist reader and the general reader. ‘‘Business Journalism is a bit of a haven for serious matters,’’ he added.

He compared this years recession to that of the 1980’s and said that it will take three years of ‘‘touch and go’’ for the economy to get back on its feet. ‘‘People have not understood how serious the situation is and what we say or write can magnify the effects,’’ he said.

He called on journalists to avoid the blame game and to report on what happens, not what should happen or what might happen. ‘‘There is a question of reporting vs. advocacy,’’ he added.

He said that the banking crisis has also created a bad reputation for Ireland, where confidence and belief is low. He said that eastern countries may blame us for the recent state of the economy and it is up to the Government to punish those involved in the banking scandal.

‘‘It wasn’t just wrongdoing and law breaking.

‘‘Giving capital to a bank is like giving money to an alcoholic,’’ he said.

He urged journalists to stay away from future predictions as they can impact on the economy. ‘‘You can’t talk your way out of the recession, look at what happened at Northern Rock,’’ he said.

He added that those who were involved in the banking scandal may never be brought to justice. ‘‘Our liable laws are draconian, our company laws so complex,’’ he said.

The future will be bleak for the foreseeable future, with 35 Bn in taxes needing to be raised, we face the worst challenge since the civil war, he said.

‘‘Public spending will drop for four years,’’ he added.

He said we must remain optimistic for the future and added: ‘‘History gets re-written very quickly.’’

In a very lively speech, Mr Keenan spoke about the economic crisis in simple terms. He was quick to state the mistakes that were made by bank officials and the Government and the pension situation, which will affect public sector workers.

He was an interesting character and he spoke his thoughts, even tough they caused some outrage and commotion amongst the journalism group. ‘‘Politics and sports are repetitive, business is not,’’ he said.

I admired his tenacity about how the banking perpetrators must be brought to justice and how the Government has got very bad at politics. His analysis of the economic challenges that face the global business world was interesting and well researched.

FRANK McDONALD knows all too well the cause of this recession. The Irish Times Environment Editor pins the blame on the Government, the banks and the property market.


The Builders, a book which he co-wrote with his fellow Irish Times journalist Kathy Sheridan chronicles how the property market went from boom to bust and why the only way the property bubble could go was down.

The share of the blame lies with Government. They, along with the banks led ordinary people on the notion that ‘‘the only way the property market could go was up,’’ he said.

The bust is worse here than in other countries because everyone lost in the property game. People forget that the Celtic Tiger was an export lead boom, which lasted for six years, he added.

‘‘Houses were being sold at inflatable prices and house prices in Dublin were greater than those in Paris. Something had to give and unfortunately for us it was the property market,’’ he said.

Our property market has since evaporated, our migrants have gone home and it is impossible to get credit from the banks. We are in a bad state, he added.

Ireland owes billions in property debt and these loans have to be covered. In turn, people are losing their security, their cars, their homes, their business and livelihood, he said.

Despite this Mr McDonald predicts the market will revive itself within two to three years.

However, he remains critical of the re-zoning process, which he describes as a ‘‘level of squandermania of community resources.’’

He argues that Ireland hardly functions anymore. With parts of Dublin now in Leitrim, Cavan, Laois and Wexford, he does not see an end to our problems.

Councillors are doing individual favours for individual constituents and money is exchanging hands, he said. ‘‘The view of a lot of Councillors is build wherever you like whenever you like.’’

Councillors are acting as retail agents and auctioneers and until we establish a zoning commission and project money into sustainable development we are at nothing, he said.

It is time for our ‘‘roguish’’ banks to start paying their way too, he added.

Mr McDonald’s analysis of the current recession was a valid one. His focus on the property market and why we relied too heavily on it, just as we had over-relied on the

Potato before the famine, allowed students to see the full extent of damage caused to our economy.

He gave a thorough account of what exactly happened and he called it as he saw it. He also spoke about local government and how it is plagued by corruption, which also linked into Dr Fisk’s speech on conflict and war in the Middle East.

He spoke about urbanization and parts of Dublin moving into other counties. This was another valid point because more and more houses are going up in the outskirts of Dublin and beyond, but they are remaining empty. Who will have to bare the brunt of the cost should they fail to be sold?

‘‘I LOVE a cut off Mr Grandeur and Mr Self.’’


Those are the words of the Irish Daily Star Editor Ger Colleran, who is used to cutting chunks out of our politician’s and celebrity’s ego.

Mr Colleran began his career with the Irish Daily Star in 1999, following 15 years with the Kerryman. He knows the trade, the challenges it faces and its strengths.

‘‘Newspapers are in freefall, there has been a collapse in advertising and share price,’’ he said. However, since 1988 the Star has gone from selling 16,000 daily copies to over 111,000 in 2008, an increase of over 95,000 copies in 20 years.

The intrusion of foreign imports and newspapers is what Mr Colleran puts the downturn and economic climate down to. With competition from the Irish Independent and the Irish Times, Mr Colleran’s fears may well prove to be valid.

‘‘My main concern is survival. There has been a 40 per cent drop in advertising and this is worrying,’’ he said.

Among our biggest challenges and problems are deformation reform and the Press Council, he added.

Mr Colleran is very much a man who believes in letting the truth be heard. He does not believe in privacy for celebrities and those in the firing line.

‘‘Privacy has very little to do with ordinary people,’’ he said.

Our human characteristics should penetrate their way onto the paper, he added. ‘‘Freedom of speech, Brits and overlords need to be pushed back,’’ he said.

He defended his papers reputation of ridiculing people in the public domain and coverage of sensitive issues. ‘‘Good journalism is good business,’’ he added.

He said that there used to be three things that you could rely on: the church, GAA and Fine Gael and that only one remains-GAA. He was critical of RTE and said it was not doing its job of acting as public sector broadcaster. ‘‘RTE is in the Government’s back pocket,’’ he added.

He advised students to pay attention to detail, but not to be afraid of making inconsistencies.

In a very lively and topical speech, Mr Colleran described the style of his paper and voiced his opinion on many topics, including the Government, what makes news and privacy. His views were very extremist and radical and as a student myself, I don’t think they went down altogether well.

Firstly, I don’t believe journalism should be about ‘‘good business’’. Journalism should be about passion and love of the job and about informing people of what is going on in their world. Business has to take a back seat before accuracy and relevance.

Secondly, privacy does affect everyone and everyone should have the right to privacy. I would not go into the house of a dead person and ask for a picture and statement of a grieving parent as Mr Colleran said must be done. Even celebrities deserve privacy, not intimidation and harassment.

He also had a hate campaign against the Irish Times for some unexplained reason which put me off. It comes down to a matter of taste and values as to which paper you buy.

His comment on RTE being in the Governments pocket is a false accusation. RTE is for the people and they have been just as critical of the Government as anyone else has. RTE gives viewers two sides of every story in a balanced and fair way and it is up to the viewer to seek the truth. I don’t think I can say the same for the Star though, it is not my cup of tea.

Mr Colleran’s speech concluded the eight seminar in a 12 part series on Current Issues in Irish Media at the University of Limerick.

Collison predicts recruitment drive for journalists to restart within two years


GERARD Collison is a man who has been around the block. He’s worked with the Irish Press, the Broadcasting Complaints Commission and the Clare Champion.

Today, he has helped to establish perhaps one of the finest regional papers, a rival to the Clare Champion- the Clare People.

He believes the news industry is in a ‘‘depressed’’ state at the moment, but news media will survive and prosper. He is a man who calls it as he sees it.

‘‘I predict a recruitment drive in two years time. Jobs will change more than those two or three years ago,’’ he said.

He added that the narrow skill base of journalists in the past is no longer a viable option and these changes have been driven by technology and what the market demands.

Not only was this change accelerated by the market, but also by the change in press ownership. ‘‘Ten to fifteen years ago regional papers were privately owned, now Irish media groups have transformed the landscape beyond all recognition,’’ he said.

Editing skills and software are a must. Reporters now are required to have sub editing skills, it is a one way process. Our style book is our ‘‘Bible’’, it allows us to troubleshoot and learn our trade, he added.

He said that among the best newspaper performers are the freesheets, such as the Limerick Post and the Galway Advertiser. He was sceptical of relying on websites and podcasts to generate revenue. They should only be used as a ‘‘backburner’’, he added.

He gave students some helpful advice on what their job will entail. ‘‘It’s a passion, you are never in it for the money,’’ he said. He warned students to ‘‘own up to mistakes as you have the capacity to destroy people.’’

‘‘I look for curiosity, passion, and bravery in a journalist. You may not be the best writer but being honourable covers a multitude.’’

Mr Collison’s speech covered a lot of issues surrounding the media. His focus on both the print and broadcast media allowed students to envisage what work they will be carrying out on a daily basis.

His emphasis on journalism being a passion, not a job and being enthusiastic couldn’t be more true. If you are passionate about something you love then it is easier to do.

His analysis on what job prospects are out there now was bleak, but truthful. ‘‘Sixty jobs are going in the Irish Times and most of the jobs have still to go because we over egged the pudding.’’

Mr Collison’s speech concluded the tenth seminar in a 12 part series of Current Affairs in Irish Media at the University of Limerick.

LIMERICK’s Live 95 FM Head of News and Current Affairs Joe Nash had a career with UTV’s Public Relations team before joining the popular radio station.


It was little surprise when UTV announced it was buying the radio station for €16 million in 2002. Mr Nash’s influence was clear and since then the station has gone from strength to strength.

‘‘We have an 81 per cent of the average population of Limerick and Munster on an average week, which accounts for 44 per cent of our market share,’’ he said.

Our programmes include: News and Currents Affairs, Sport and Entertainment, General information and Job line, he added.

However, with the emergence of Spin South-West as a popular music and entertainment radio station targeting teenagers across Munster, Limerick’s Live 95 faces stiff competition.

To deal with this, Mr Nash is responsible for speech output and selecting stories that run. ‘‘We are half-way between Jerry Ryan and Morning Ireland,’’ he said.

When running with stories I judge them on their merits, their accuracy, relevance and their fairness and balance, he added.

‘‘If it bleeds it leads,’’ is Mr Nash’s dictum. Among the most appealing stories that run on his programme are: the gangs of Limerick, crime in general, news of sport, the local economy and politics.

However, Mr Nash is quick to remind the broadcasting industry of the challenges they face in the coming years. ‘‘We have to be careful of being trial, judge and executioner,’’ he added.

The public’s feeling of ownership of Live 95 FM is what is important. ‘‘Cork people love themselves and they have a strong loyalty to the brand that is Cork, they have inner confidence,’’ he said.

With Limerick’s ‘’unique reputational perspective’’ and focus, it is safe to say that Limerick’s Live 95 FM is safe in the hands of its producers and listeners. With the station adopting its own values and guidelines, Live 95 FM is on the up.

Mr Nash’s thoughts on these core values: balance, relevance and accuracy showed his enthusiasm for the job and what his station strives to achieve. His insight into Limerick stories that fly proved very beneficial, showing students what makes news and how to make news relevant to your reader or listener.

He raised the issue of the media adopting the role of ‘‘trial, judge and executioner’’ which is, as important in today’s world as ever, for example, the Irishman shot dead in Bolivia has already been judged by certain Irish papers and portrayed as a terrorist despite the ambiguity between fact and fiction.

Mr Nash’s speech concluded the seventh seminar in a 12 part series of Current Affairs in Irish Media at the University of Limerick.

‘‘Work first and last for yourself,’’ says Molloy


‘‘I WAS lucky to be involved in a train crash within my first three months’’.

That is the view of former Editor of the Mail on Sunday and the current Editor of the Irish Independent Philip Molloy.

Renowned for his work with the Irish Press, a supposed Fianna Fail paper which he questions, a film critic and working with RTE Radio One’s Art Show, Mr Molloy said that this disaster helped to establish him at the ‘‘best training paper in the country-the Evening Press.’’

Referring to the train crash which killed five people at Gorey in County Wexford during December 1975, Mr Molloy said that it was left in his hands to report back that days horrific events.

‘‘There is an absolute necessity to work on your own initiative. There are always avenues, wider ways, possibilities to look at things,’’ he added.

‘‘You can never have enough contacts. They are invaluable, develop them, drink with them,’’ he said.

He urged journalists to ‘‘work fist and last for yourself and to decide your own values.’’

He said that blogging culture is a niche market where journalism is heading. Although he did not say whether it would be viable for newspapers to go on the net, he said: ‘‘Bloggers are hungry, cheap and deliver copy once an hour. It is a quick response approach, but more suitable to colour writing where it acts like horses for courses and could sell like crazy.’’

He reiterated Gerard Collison’s advice; ‘‘have an interest that will stand to you, think as a freelance, your job is a vocation not a vacation.’’

He said journalists must attend conferences and meetings. ‘‘Nothing is beneath you,’’ he added.

He described his time with the Irish Press, a supposed Fianna Fail backed newspaper. ‘‘I was never hit on the knuckles or told to write an article a certain way whilst I was there,’’ he added.

However, he was angered and offended by what happened in the lead-up to the General Election of 1997. ‘‘Fianna Gael were in power and Fianna Fail were trying to get back into power. We were covering the election in a balance way and giving it coverage for at least three weeks during the final month. The final article was published prior to the election and it went on the front page having bypassed me. It stated: It’s Payback Time.’’

Never before had I lost my temper, I was furious for months on end after that and I think the Irish Independent lost some credibility as an impartial paper after that, he added.

Mr Molloy’s insight into the world of journalism was met with applause and students felt that what he said was very relevant into how they hope to start and end their career in journalism. Taking heed from his opinions on establishing good contacts from every walk of life, such as the gardai outside the courthouse as he suggested and following up on what interests you, we were left with a better insight into the world and mechanics of journalism.

His idea of a mentoring arrangement in the future, where journalism students would be able to bounce ideas off him and other newspaper editors and get them published was great and students were open to the idea of enhancing their talent in the public domain.

Overall, it was a great speech from a highly influential and charismatic man and the journalism students were impressed by his enthusiasm, passion and love of his job.

Mr Molloy’s speech concluded the eleventh seminar in a 12 part series of Current Affairs in Irish Media at the University of Limerick.

HIS CAREER has spanned some 40 years to date and he is not done yet by a long shot. He has worked as a Foreign War Correspondent during the Portuguese revolution, the Iran-Iraq war, the war in Lebanon and more recently, the Israel-Palestine conflict.


Today, Dr Fisk is the Middle East Correspondent with The Independent in England. He has a strong connection with Ireland however, having covered the Troubles in Northern Ireland with The Times in London. He has a PhD from Trinity College Dublin and has won many prestigious awards for his books, which include In a Time of War and Pity the Nation.

His father was a soldier based in Cork during World War 1 and escaped being sent to the Somme because of the 1916 War of Independence. ‘‘In a way I owe my life to Padraig Pearse,’’ he said.

He is very critical of journalists doing what he described as ‘’50-50 journalism’’, where they mask the truth and give only one side of the story. ‘‘We should be neutral on the side of those who suffer,’’ he added.

He said the Iraq war was a failure. ‘‘Liberation will compete with our occupation,’’ he added.

Today’s journalists and reporters are not speaking the truth. ‘‘Television has made war normal and I fear that,’’ he said.

It is injustice that fuels Hezbollah and Hamas, he said. When you see the Israeli’s speaking of Palestinian’s they are portrayed as terrorists. It’s all about perspective, he added.

The source of many of these conflicts is us, he said. ‘‘They want freedom from us (the west). We wanted the oil, we didn’t want the people,’’ he added.

We forget about the illegal Jewish colonies on Arab land and the Palestinian struggle. American President Barack Obama will not bring change to Gaza, to Israel or Palestine. ‘‘He spent 24 minutes in the West Bank and 24 hours in Israel,’’ he said.

He argued that Washington will let these settlements continue and that we must all now question ourselves and challenge those in power to act now. ‘‘Challenge authority, the Middle East is not a football match,’’ he added.

Dr Fisk believes that religion is not the problem and argues that the West has been the ‘‘enemy at the gates since the 16th Century’’. He remains sceptical of our political leaders. He said: ‘‘Corruption goes from the book boy to the president.’’

He is also critical of our failure to initiate war crimes against Israel and refuted claims that their army is a ‘‘moral’’ army. We set new rules in each war and until we re-introduce reality and suffering in a serious way, we are at nothing, he said.

This is the job of the journalist, he added.

Dr Fisk’s speech was the highlight of the seminar series. His impeccable account of war and conflict and its futility left the aspiring journalists in awe. His account of the injustice, not only of the Palestinian’s but of those in Bosnia and Northern Ireland was frightening but needed to be told.

His insight into the corruption and flaws of the Western democracy left students with a valuable taste of what goes on behind closed doors. Having heard such graphical descriptions of many conflicts worldwide how could one not be inspired to change our stance on war and help those in suffering?

His point on television desensitising the viewer was very valid. Everyday we see films and series of a graphical nature and this has shaped how we view reality. Just because we have not experienced war or conflict does not mean it does not exist.

Dr Fisk’s speech concluded the final seminar in a 12 part series of Current Affairs In Irish Media-entitled ‘The Middle East, Politics and Journalism in a Globalised World’ at the University of Limerick.

IRELAND must learn the lessons of the 1980’s if it is to recover from recession.

In his first public lecture since quitting Fine Gael, former RTE Economist George Lee said Ireland should focus on securing investment ahead of satisfying loans payable to Europe.

“We didn’t know the 27 gateways to Europe as we do now. Our problem is capital, we need money.

“When we joined Europe we gave away all our economic policy instruments bar a few. We have control over Europe in terms of our income tax and corporate tax rate, as contained in the Maastricht Treaty. We cannot passively wait, why talk about it if you are never going to use it?” he said.

He stated that Ireland should also follow in Britain’s footsteps. “In the Leader’s Debate in Britain they said you must be mad to correct the deficit. They are out of recession. They cut interest rates to zero, began printing money (quantitative easing) and cut vat rates to ensure competiveness, while we increased them. Their recovery plan was backed by Nobel Prize winners.

“This is the worst crisis since World War I in Europe. Unemployment, a zombie like banking system, we are fearful,” he added.

He said that politicians and economists alike could not claim they didn’t know the implications of joining the euro were. Our GNP growth is -11.2%, while Britain’s is at -0.5%, and they are effectively out of recession, he said.

Mr Lee said that he was fully Pro-Europe, but that reducing the deficit from 13% to 3% by 2014 was a man made rule for normal circumstances. “These are beyond extraordinary circumstances. Think, stand up for ourselves. We need assistance, we are part of the club.

“We need pension funds to be invested here. People need to see real physical infrastructure, projects and colleges. Invest in energy and water.

“Unemployment is a scourge, workers have lower skills and are walking in and out of employment. We have 50 percent long term unemployment. Our investment is walking out the door,” he added.

Ireland needs to look at competitiveness. The cost of goods here are 20 percent more expensive than in Britain and our services are 32 percent dearer, he said.

While Mr Lee hinted at a return to RTE in August, he said that his return might not necessarily be in the economic journalism arena.

“I can’t go back in the manner I have done. Negotiations are ongoing, so I hope to be back around August time at the least.

“Commentators call me biased, but I know that isn’t true. I won’t be able to discuss government policy stories, but I can give financial and international advice,” he added.

His lecture themed Ireland’s Economic Collapse-Where to now? concluded the University of Limerick’s Investigating Current Issues in Irish Journalism Series.

Front: Mary Dundon, Denise Calnan, George Lee and Aisling Hussey
Back: David Kelly and Kieran Foley

Garda Review

Magazine’s concept
Founded in 1923, the Garda Review “gives a voice to gardai who are denied a political voice. They are part of the community and central in preventing and detecting crime. This magazine raises issues relevant to their lives, including: policing, stress, transfers, pay cuts, etc.”

The Garda Review see’s “policing through the eyes of people who deal with it day and night. It is a strong voice for the members of An Garda Siochana, both as individuals and collectively.”

The Garda Review is “much more than a trade magazine, in some ways it is a community magazine. It tackles contemporary issues in Irish society and incorporates elements of news, sports and leisure, whatever is relevant to members of the garda force.” (Neil Ward, Editor)

The magazine comprises of 2 main parts: 4 features Regulars: editorial, competitions, garda stories and news, garda sportsfile, in the job, the last word, eyewitness, legal and informal.


The magazine is printed in full colour and 10 issues are produced annually.


The Garda Review is a subscription based magazine. It is mailed directly to members home address for €1 per week deducted from salary.

Market and funding strategy
The Garda Review’s target market are members of An Garda Siochana. The magazine is the official magazine of the Garda Representative Association whose numbers total over 12,000.


80 percent of the force are at garda rank, so the Garda Review circulates approximately 8,000. copies.

“While the magazine specifically targets garda members, it is also used by politicians, members of the Dail, Seanad, various journalists and students who study criminology.”

It is funded through subscription-€1 deducted at pay.

“This cost is fixed depending on general numbers of subscriptions they receive. It rose steadily in the past few years as we invested heavily in the magazine and in our online edition.”

Circulation X3=readership-8,000 X3=24,000

• 96% are subscribed readers • 2% read a colleague’s copy • 2% read a family member’s copy

(Dyflin Media)

Advertising
The Garda Review “is a national magazine for the police force. We are not interested in local advertising. We need national advertisers to help fund our magazine.”


“Advertising must be relevant to gardai, examples include EBS, insurance, mortgages, etc.”

The Garda Review does not ‘actively sell’. Advertisers who are interested in promoting their product come to them. This is a huge benefit because it helps secure loyalty amongst national advertisers.

They have a set number of pages for advertisements. This increases their reach and rewards their loyalty.

They are adamant that adverts have to be specific to members of the force and it is a ‘waste of money and resources’ placing an advert outside the interests of gardai.

Between 7 and 10 pages are designated to advertising. This includes full page ads, half and quarter page ads.

This represents a 15-23 percent divide (out of a 44 page publication).

Less designated space to advertise online

STANDARD RATES: PAGE COLOUR €1,600 SIZE: A4 (Medialive 2008).

Garda pay rates between €27,000 and €50,000 (GRA payscales 2010). Disposable income?

Amongst the regular national advertisers are:


St Paul’s Garda Credit Union

PenPro-pension and protection consultants

3 mobile

Motorola

EBS

Irishrail.ie

Each advertisement usually has a marketing tool to draw in members-e.g. Special discount for members of An Garda Siochana.

Advertising continued: http://www.gardareview.ie/index.php?article=homepage
DPS Page -1/2 page-1/3 page-1/4 page


Black & White: € 3350 €1900 €1100 €850 €675

Colour €4500 €2700 €1400 €1000 €800

SPOT COLOUR

€125 per standard colour

Cover positions €200

(Dyflin 2008)

Marketing tools
How the Garda Review justifies its price:


The magazine is published 10 times a year. It costs one euro a week or four euro a month.

The magazine can easily justify its price. Made from quality paper it is appealing to look at. Its use of photographs and neatly written content justifies its price.

Contributions by Garda Commissioner Fachtna Murphy and GRA President Michael O’Boyce .

Editorial staff include: General Secretary of the GRA Pj Stone, GRA President Michael O’Boyce, Donal Flannery of the Garda College and Kerry GRA Spokesperson Dave McMahon.

Expertise of writers:
Competency- “We are looking for competent and accomplished writers. We need someone who can but together an article in a few hours. A professional would take a few hours, whereas with a non-professional it could take days, and even then the quality could let you down.”

“We need writers with a unique and mature style. They must be able to view things through the eyes of our readers. They need to have good interviewing skills and work together as a team. The ‘I’ factor is no good to us.”

The Garda Review produces 44 pages per working month (22 days). They look for 2 pages a day-anything up to 1400 words and 3 photographs.

The professional standards associated with the magazine force it to ‘go outside’ for talent and expertise. While some writers are former members, this is not a requirement as it is ‘very hard to maintain’ and they don not have the same skill bases as working journalists.

Circulation and online presence
The Garda Review circulates around 8,000 copies per month. The highest costs associated with the magazine are:


Postage

Printing

Labour

The magazine has varying staff costs based on full time and part time positions. In the future it is proposed that the publication will be emailed to subscribers. But while there is demand for hard copy this will not be the case.

Online presence:
While the magazine would like to have the same reach as The Guardian, this is not the case.

“Having the magazine online is purely about existence, so that when people Google us they can get basic information from our site.”

Being online the magazine raises extra advertising revenue, although this is limited. It is used to offer some public content while maintaining the exclusivity of being a member.

It provides a platform for discussion and blogs (members only).

“An online presence for us is to accommodate those members who can access the net and share there views in a secure environment without prejudice. It is also about giving the public an insight into life as a garda and how they can make a difference.”

FREE TIME AND INTERESTS: • 69% of readers have internet access in their home • 38% are current gym members • 60% of Garda Review readers plan to change their cars in the next 2 years • Over 40% of readers take at least three holidays every year


Figures based on 2005 Garda Review Reader’s Survey from overall readership 7,500

“Our online strategy for the future is to produce a backlog/reference library of previous issues. It is also about trying new features, which may be added if market research indicates the need for it. For now it is about having an online presence. Who’s to say in the future we may be forced to go it alone online? If it is dictated by demand then that is where we are headed.”

Online presence
Age profile and geographical spread may help understand decisions made by the Garda Review with regards advertising and having an online presence, etc.

(Dyflin 2008)

Challenges and opportunities
The Garda Review faces challenges including “having an audience, giving the message to the wider world and having an online aspect relative to our competitors”.


The magazine does not have any real threat in its target market. “The only threat per se is from the Garda Times, but that is a yearbook for retired members, so we don’t really look at it as a real threat. We would help provide information to them on a regular basis. What comes around goes around.”

“We are well equipped to deal with these challenges because of our strengths. We have a unique distribution twinned with the GRA and a security policy for our members. We offer unique content, something there is always demand for.”

The future:
“Policing is changing, we are becoming more involved in industrial relations. We have been around for 87 years. Someone obviously had great vision and foresight. We have stood the test of time. There will always be a need for a police force, so there will always be a demand for the Garda Review.”

Success
The magazine is enjoying unprecedented popularity among readers. How

can we measure this? Paying subscriptions have risen from 3,470 in 2003
to 7,926 in September 2007; considerably more than doubled.

Over 8% of Garda Review readers responded to our readers’ survey.

Of these respondents, nearly all (98.4%) read every issue of the magazine

and over half of readers (52.7%) read the entire magazine cover to cover.

(Dyflin 2008)

Advice: “Working with the Garda Review will provide opportunities to learn how to write hard news stories, soft articles, features and develop photography skills. You will gain contacts for life. Don’t overlook a small magazine when your starting out.”


References

Dyflin Media (2008) ‘The Garda Review Reader’ [online], available: http://www.dyflin.ie/rp_garda_review.htm [accessed 16 Feb 2010].

Garda Review (2007) ‘The Story’ [online], available: http://www.gardareview.ie/index.php?article=The_Story [accessed 16 Feb 2010].

Garda Representative Association (2010) ‘Salary Scales’ [online], available: http://www.gra.cc/payscales.shtml [accessed 16 Feb 2010].

Media Live (2008) ‘Magazines: Garda Review’ [online], available: http://www.medialive2.com/general-market/ [accessed 16 Feb 2010].

Periodical Publishers Association of Ireland (2009) ‘Research on Advertising in Magazines’ [online], available: http://www.ppa.ie/market-research.html [accessed 16 Feb 2010].

Interview with Mr. Neil Ward, Editor of the Garda Review (16 Feb 2010).

Question 2- Discuss the main differences between the Liberal, Social Democratic and Conservative models of Welfare State as identified by Esping-Andersen (1990).

Introduction: In my essay I will discuss the main differences between the ‘three worlds of welfare capitalism’ as identified by Esping-Andersen (1990). They are the Liberal, Social Democratic and Conservative/Corporatist Welfare States. I will discuss how they differ in terms of decommodification and destratification. I will make reference to the U.S as a Liberal Welfare State, Sweden and the Netherlands as Social Democratic Welfare States and Germany as a Corporatist Welfare State. In my conclusion I will argue why I believe the Social Democratic Model to be the best way forward. To start, I feel it is necessary to briefly discuss three key concepts that are an integral part to understanding each world of welfare. They are:

• Ideal types
• Decommodification
• Destratification

Ideal types: In using countries to exemplify the different Welfare States, it should be noted that these are ideal types. Ideal types have been described as categorization based on broad characteristics, which may or may not be present all of the time (Abercrombie et al 2006). In simpler terms the U.S is viewed as a Liberal Welfare State based on characteristics that embody this Welfare State, such as: promoting individualism and favouring the free market (Considine and Dukelow 2009, p.126). This is not to say that the U.S has all these characteristics or that it doesn’t have elements of the Social Democratic and/or Corporatist Welfare State. This should be taken into account when analysing each Welfare State to maintain objectivity.

Decommodification: Huo et al (2008, p.5) describe decommodification as the fulcrum of the Welfare State, which may be “defined as exit from the labour market with little or no loss of income”. Based around this concept, Esping-Andersen created “three individual decommodification indexes (pensions, unemployment and sickness)” (Bambra 2006, p.74), in which to contrast how effective/ineffective the three Welfare State regimes were in allowing individuals, or families the option to partake or withdraw from the labour market (Huo et al 2008, p.7). It will later be discussed how each Welfare State regime fares in terms of being decommodifying-thus moving on from the view of seeing people as just capitalist workers there to be exploited, to seeing them as social beings, who can be impacted upon by the market and inadvertently by the state and its policies.

Destratification: Focuses on whether the differing Welfare States maintain or challenge the existing social stratification order (Bambra 2006, p.74). It can be best described by asking does the Welfare State seek to uphold the ‘status quo’ (things as they are) or challenge it? It should be analysed by looking at the “relative roles of the state, the family and the market in welfare provision” (Ibid.). An example of destratification would be where the Social Democratic Welfare State tackles the low level of participation by women in the labour market by providing child care facilities, which helps to remove this barrier, thus ensuring more women have the right and/or choice to work. This concept is also linked to decommodification and it no doubt had and has influenced the decommodification indexes already discussed. The role of the three Welfare State regimes in destratification will also be discussed in the main body of my essay. I will now begin by discussing the Liberal Welfare State and how it relates to decommodification and destratification.

Liberal: The Liberal Welfare State is noted for its focus on individualism, the free market and a limited role for the state (Arts and Gelissen 2002, p.141). Individualism is seen as promoting self-responsibility and liberals argue that individuals will perform best in a free market economy. Thus they deny and are opposed to social rights and state intervention, unless it is vital (Considine and Dukelow 2009, p.123). With such an emphasis on individuals and the free market one could and should argue about the state diminishing its role in favour of an ‘equal’ world which it knows doesn’t exist under capitalism.

Headey et al (1997, p.332) apply the historical perspective of the sociological imagination when they draw upon the distinctions that the Liberal Welfare State makes between the ‘deserving poor’, “who due to age, disability or family circumstances, could not be expected to earn an adequate living in the labour market” and the ‘undeserving poor’, who receive lower entitlements, which may be means-tested to encourage them to work, i.e. stay within the capitalist system. They argue that the Liberal approach to welfare seeks to provide a “decent minimum standard of living for households unable to generate adequate income in the labour market”. Surely such an approach only keeps households just above the poverty line and makes no attempt to eradicate long term poverty. Even when benefits are made universal to all who meet the strict criteria, it is argued that these benefits are set at low flat rates in an attempt to mask ‘abject poverty’ (Ibid.). Thus, I am led to believe that liberalism does nothing to eradicate poverty and inequality, on the contrary-it creates it.

The Liberal welfare approach preaches a false concept of dependency, where payments are considered enough to keep people dependent and removes the incentive to work (Considine and Dukelow 2009, p.204). However, this idea has been discredited by “studies examining the employment effects of different decommodifying policies” (Huo et al 2008, p.6). If there is such a high rate of unemployment, it is common sense to know that people are losing their jobs faster than they are being taken on, thus this view is not applicable and I curtail this stance. I would argue against this viewpoint and it is my belief that this is just an attempt to undermine and restrict the impact and advantages that the Social Democratic Welfare State model holds over Liberal ideology.

Headey et al (1997, pp.329-359) in their comparative study on how the three models of welfare capitalism contrast in terms of poverty, inequality and the redistributive impact of governments, concluded that, based on one and five year comparisons, the U.S Liberal welfare regime “works least well along all those dimensions in the short term works little better in the longer term”. It is no surprise then to hear that Liberal Welfare States demonstrate a low level of decommodification and destratification because their welfare provision is strictly tied to market regulation, more so than government intervention (Considine and Dukelow 2009, p.154). It is thus harder to escape the market without losing income and putting yourself in the poverty line or below. Clearly these states are ineffective in addressing inequality, poverty and in challenging meritocracy –an equal chance based on individual effort (Ibid., p.289).

Corporatist: The Corporatist Welfare State shows some similarities and differences to the Liberal Welfare State. The basic idea that encapsulates this welfare system is the policy to ‘unburden’ the state (Offe 1996, p.69). This links in with the limited role of the Liberal Welfare State in welfare provision. People at risk of poverty are expected to rely on family, friends, the church or any other social network before seeking state aid (Headey et al 1997, p.332). In contrast with some liberal states, the corporatist state in Germany legislates for social insurance, continuity of income at “something close to the level of the breadwinner’s normal labour income” (Ibid.). It is perhaps a little more generous than the Liberal welfare system, but in terms of challenging the existing social order (destratification) it fails in this regard.

German social stratification is based on broad occupational categories; they are “Beamte (tenured civil servants), Angestellte (salaried employees) and Arbeiter (workers)” (Ibid.). The state helps prepare people for work through various schemes including; training programs, education and apprenticeships, but it cannot guarantee the right to work, even through subsidised work as seen in social democratic welfare states (Ibid.). Unlike the liberal welfare model, the Corporatist Welfare State discourages married women from working in the labour market. This is based on the traditional values of family and the influence or intrusion of the Christian Church into other aspects of life (Bambra 2006, p.142).

Unlike the Liberal Welfare State, Corporatist Welfare States do not reject the welfare state ideology, but they are ‘sceptical’ of the welfare state because of fears it could potentially damage core values and the role of the family (Considine and Dukelow 2009, p.128). Despite the role of the family being paramount than that of the market or state, which is the opposite for Liberal Welfare States, Corporatist Welfare States like Germany are “much more redistributive over five years than would ordinarily be expected” (Headey et al 1997, p.331). Likewise, their main aim is not directly to reduce poverty and income inequality, but to establish the upkeep of the dominant social order (Ibid., pp.332-333).

The Corporatist Welfare State greatly reduces poverty over time and surprisingly it nearly achieves as much income equality as the Netherland’s social democratic regime (Ibid., p.354). The German Corporate Welfare State demonstrates a greater level of decommodification than the U.S Liberal model despite its low level of destratification as I have detailed. It is easier to drop out of the market in these states without losing income and with more people being transferred out of poverty than in the U.S you have a greater chance of staying above the poverty threshold (Ibid.). The argument about Corporatist Welfare States being more beneficial than Liberal Welfare States has been profoundly passed. The Corporatist model has been proven to tackle poverty and redress inequality more so than the Liberal Welfare State, despite this not being their objective.

Social Democratic: The Social democratic Welfare State is best depicted by Sweden and to a lesser extent the Netherlands-because of its Corporatist past. The main characteristic which separates this model from the others is ‘Universalism’-this concept embodies that benefits should be universal-available to all, independent of their circumstances as a social right (Gilbert 2002, pp.135-136). This comes into conflict with both the Corporatist welfare regime, to a lesser extent and the Liberal welfare regime which advocates selectivity and dependency or need (Ibid.).

Social Democratic welfare regimes also recognise the importance of social rights in advocating equality and in striving for social justice (Considine and Dukelow 2009, p.137). Again this brings it into confrontation with the Liberal Welfare State and the Corporate State, who advocate responsibility and obligations before social rights and/or in order to achieve these rights. Furthermore it recognises the need for state intervention in addressing the inequality generated by capitalism and the provision of comprehensive services (Ibid.). It sees the family as having a marginal role, as does the Liberal welfare regime. It also agrees with the Corporatist welfare model, in terms of the market having a marginal role. However the labour market regulation in Social Democratic states-such as Sweden and the Netherlands is at an unprecedented scale. “Taxes, benefits, encouragement of reduced differentials in occupational earnings (‘wage solidarity’) and active labour market programs (job retraining and subsidised jobs for those who might otherwise be unemployed) are all used to promote income equality and a standard of living for all citizens” (Headey et al 1997, p.333).

It is clear that equality is the central goal of Social Democratic welfare regimes. Earlier I addressed how corporate labour market policies allowed for training programs and education, but did not advance to the right to work (Headey et al 1997, p.332). This right is copper fastened by a people’s social welfare policy. I will explain this statement in my conclusion. In total disparity to the Liberal and Corporatist ideology underpinning their respective welfare states, Social Democratic Welfare States see the individual as the ‘intended beneficiary’ (Ibid.). Women are actively encouraged to enter the labour market, both because the welfare state needs full employment and huge taxes to maintain the universal provision of services, and because it seeks to counter the Liberal ‘male breadwinners model’ (Ibid.)

In comparison to Liberal and Corporatist Welfare States, poverty spells have a short lifespan in the Netherlands because the state intervenes to prevent ‘social exclusion’-benefits are universal and at a high level in parity to those in Liberal welfare regimes (Ibid.).

One thing is for sure-“The social democratic (Dutch) welfare regime transfers more people out of poverty, shortens their poverty spells and reduces recurrence of poverty much more over five years than one” (Ibid.). This is the kind of welfare state that I would like to live in.

Conclusion: It comes as no surprise to find that Social Democratic Welfare States, such as those in Sweden and the Netherlands have one of the most generous and highly developed systems in the world (Gould 1996, p.91). As I have already mentioned, these states also are most effective in combating extreme poverty and in terms of decommodification and destratification they are the undisputed champions. It therefore allows a huge degree of immunity and offers protection to workers-it protects their work from being viewed as just a commodity and if they had to fall outside the system of labour they would be well protected (Gilbert 2002, p.19).

While the Social Democratic Welfare State is not without its faults, namely high taxes and high market regulation (red tape), it is still a hugely effective model in fostering equality. Critics will indefinitely argue against how it has become a burden on the economy and how the rising costs of welfare destroy “growth potential and competiveness”. While this may be partially true, it should be noted that by alleviating poverty you not only help citizens to improve their standard of living, you help the unborn generation have an equal start in life. If you are proactive rather than reactive and you take on the cause before it becomes a problem then you will save the state a fortune than if you let the problem (poverty or inequality) foster and spiral out of control for a few years and then decide to solve it. It makes practical sense, yet the Liberal and Corporatist Welfare States forget that people aren’t just collateral or a commodity, they are social beings too. Maybe if they used the sociological imagination and perspective a little more often then they too could see their own shortcomings.

When I said that the Social Democratic Welfare State was a people’s welfare state, I was referring to (Marshall, cited in Haynes 2010, p.232) which describes ‘The citizenship approach’. This approach describes three distinct rights: Civil, Political and Social. Civil rights include: “freedom of speech, the right to own property”, political rights include: “the right to participate in the exercise of political power” and Social rights include: the whole range from the right to a modicum of economic welfare and security…to live the life of a civilised being according to the standards prevailing in the society”. I feel that these rights are guaranteed under the social democratic model and personally it incorporates these rights better than the liberal and corporatist regimes. For me, a universal, democratic and equal society is the greatest success of the 20th and 21st century. I would sacrifice high taxes, and market regulations just to be a part of it.

It needs to be noted that Headey et al (1997, p.331) carried out their research based on the period 1885-89. While critics will try to defeat this research on the basis it is irrelevant, there is no such evidence to counter their research. By relative means I believe their research is still young, 20 years is such a small time period by all acounts. It must also be made known that they intend to cover a ten year period stretching from 1985-94 (Ibid., p.355). Only then can we see if the ‘three worlds of welfare capitalism’ identified by Esping-Andersen (1990) have learnt from their past failings.

In drawing my argument for the Social Democratic Welfare State to a close, I have demonstrated the main differences between the Liberal, Corporatist and Social Democratic model of welfare. I have addressed the question posed, with reference to the relevant literature and by using the main sociological tools-the sociological imagination and the sociological perspective. I have also used examples where necessary to strengthen my argument. While I did not go into detail on individual welfare regime policies, such as workfare, etc. I felt this was necessary to remain impartial and objective. I also showed my ability to be critical and my understanding of key concepts throughout. I hope that you have found my argument informative, argumentative and enjoyable.

Bibliography

Abercrombie, N., Hill, S. and Turner, B.S. (2006) The Penguin Dictionary of Sociology, 5th ed., London: Penguin Books.

Arts, W. and Gelissen, J. (2002) ‘Three worlds of welfare capitalism or more? A state-of-the-art report’, Journal of European Social Policy, 12(137), available: http://esp.sagepub.com/cgi/content/abstract/12/2/137 [accessed 20 Oct 2009].

Bambra, C. (2006) ‘Research Note: Decommodification and the worlds of welfare revisited’, Journal of European Social Policy, 16(73), available: http://esp.sagepub.com/cgi/content/abstract/16/1/73 [accessed 20 Oct 2009].

Considine, M. and Dukelow, F. (2009) Irish Social Policy: A Critical Introduction, Dublin: Gill & Macmillan.

Esping Andersen, G. (1990) The Three Worlds of Welfare Capitalism, Cambridge: Polity Press.

Gilbert, N. (2002) Transformation of the Welfare State: The Silent Surrender of Public Responsibility, Oxford: Oxford University Press.

Gould, A. (1996) ‘Sweden: The Last Bastion of Social Democracy’, in George, V., and Taylor-Gooby, P. (eds.) European Welfare Policy: Squaring the Welfare Circle, London: Macmillan Press Limited.

Haynes, A., comp. (2010) Sociology, Essex: Pearson Education Limited.

Headey, B., Goodin, R.E., Muffels, R. and Dirven, H.J. (1997) ‘Welfare over Time: Three Worlds of Welfare Capitalism in Panel Perspective’, Journal of Public Policy, 17(10), available: http://www.jstor.org/stable/4007582 [accessed 20 Oct 2009].

Huo, J., Nelson, M. and Stephens, J.D. (2008) ‘Decommodification and activation in social democratic policy: resolving the paradox’, Journal of European Social Policy, 18(5), available: http://esp.sagepub.com/cgi/content/abstract/18/1/5 [accessed 20 Oct 2009].

Loney, M., Bocock, R., Clarke, J., Cochrane, A., Graham, P. and Wilson, M., eds. (1987) The State or the Market: Politics and Welfare in Contemporary Britain, London: Sage Publications.

Offe, C. (1996) Modernity and the State: East, West, Cambridge: Polity Press.

Discourse Analysis on a multimodal new media platform

1. An account of the approach you are taking to discourse analysis:
Before analysing van Dijk’s ideological approach to discourse analysis, we want to briefly introduce the key concepts of discourse and multimodality, which we feel and van Dijk argues are an integral part of discourse analysis. Devereux (2007a, p.247) describes discourse simply as a ‘form of knowledge’. This implies the notion that it is something we know, however Devereux’s definition is a simplistic one that does not tell us how discourse is used and it does not imply that people have varying degrees of knowledge. Van Dijk 1998a (cited in Devereux 2007a, p.175) says that discourse “has a special function in the implementation and especially the reproduction of ideologies, since it is only through language use, discourse or communication (or other semiotic practices) that they can be explicitly formulated”.

Through these semiotic practices we can see how dominant discourses are maintained and how they can be challenged in the new media arena. LeVine and Scollon (2004, p.2) describe modes of communication as “any of the many ways in which a semiotic system with an internal grammaticality, such as speech, color, taste, or the design of images, may be developed”. In essence, they describe multimodality as focussing on “language in use” across these various modes and conclude that we must also focus on design, typography and layout without neglecting written text and vice versa (LeVine and Scollon 2004, p.2).

Keeping these concepts in mind we will now move on to introducing van Dijk’s ideological approach to discourse analysis. Van Dijk’s approach to discourse analysis is concerned with the function of ideology and power relations. Devereux (2007b, p.121) argues that van Dijk’s ideological square is “intended to highlight key ‘functional moves’ in developing an ideological strategy”. Central to this approach are what van Dijk terms “positive in-group description and negative out-group description” van Dijk 1998 (cited in Devereux 2007b, p.121). Van Dijk’s (1995) model has three main levels of analysis: Social analysis, cognitive analysis and discourse analysis. We will introduce this tripartite model, with a particular focus to discourse analysis as this is a recurring theme and the specific aim of our project.

Social analysis: A social analysis according to van Dijk (1995, p.20) would involve an examination of societal structures, political parties, group relations and structures. It is in these societal structures and group relations that ideology will be most evident. Group structures involve specifics such as identity, tasks, position and resources. This may be evident in our multimodal discourse analysis, especially in terms of how the website identifies with its target users and tries to challenge the dominant discourses.

Cognitive Analysis: A cognitive analysis argues that texts do not simply “have” meanings, but are given meanings by language users, readers, viewers, etc. These also include mental and structural processes where the language user will try to make sense of the information in relation to their own systems of beliefs and attitudes (Jensen and Jankowski 1991, p.117). A cognitive analysis would analyse what ideologies and systems of attitudes are evident in the text, however van Dijk (1995, p.20) also argues for the need to look at the sociocultural knowledge, i.e. what we know about society, groups and language. Entwined with this analysis is personal cognition which may be context free or context bound. These include thoughts, ideologies and attitudes shaped by personal convictions or models of events and contexts (van Dijk 1995, p.20). This too may be evident in our multimodal discourse analysis as the attitudes and thoughts of the main user group may reflect how certain points are emphasized and how others are excluded across the various modes.

Discourse analysis: Discourse analysis is concerned with the study of the many media of communication. It is a method of research “focused on the analysis of text and talk, discourse analysis is concerned with the use of language in a social context and the relationship between language use and (unequal) power relationships” (Devereux 2007a, p.247). Discourse analysis looks at the various structures and frameworks of “text and talk”. These would include linguistic features such as nominalization, active/passive sentence as well as use of syntax, rhetoric, lexicon, local and global semantics to name but a few (van Dijk 1995, p.20), as well as an analysis of the colours and images used, paralanguage-“meaningful behaviour accompanying language”, which includes: gestures, facial expressions, choice of typeface and letter sizes in writing, music, etc. (Cook 2001, p.64).

2. A description of the context of the website and your methodological framework:
The website that we have chosen to complete a multimodal discourse analysis project on is lgbtNOISE 2009 (available at: http://lgbtnoise.ie/). The website was designed in response to the Irish Governments rejection of the Civil Union Bill in March 2007. It offers information to lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgendered people in Ireland, and it also acts as a tool to attract media attention “on the question of same-sex marriage” (lgbtNOISE 2009). The website also offers viewers an array of information from newspaper archives (bigot watch) and media clips. It keeps them up to date with community news and events (protests, demonstrations and stunts) as well as opening and tapping into the new media environment, where they also supply links to their pages on Facebook, Twitter, Bebo and YouTube to name but a few.

The website seems to be on first inspection, viewer friendly and has a recurring theme of inclusion and activism. Polls, petitions, a subscription tab and comment threads allow viewers and members the chance to become a citizen journalist and create, challenge and/or maintain discourse.

We decided to pick this website because same-sex couples and marriage has been a topic that each of us has encountered in the course of our sociology studies. The sociocultural relevance of gay marriage is a topic that commentators have argued the Irish Government has simply glossed over. With the proposed Civil Partnership Bill soon to take effect, we want to see what dominant discourses can be found on same-sex couples and gay marriage. We also want to see how this website challenges these discourses using the modes of colour, imagery and sound. We will also include analogies, in the form of screen shots as shown above to strengthen any evidence we include.

With journalists arguing that “with divorce and cohabiting both on the increase, it seems that the majority of Irish people aren't all that bothered about marriage” (Murphy 2008), we want to see how this website challenges the dominant discourses around gay marriage and same-sex couples, which we will shortly introduce.
But first we would like to briefly introduce our multimodal discourse analysis methodological framework. The framework that we have decided to use is based on the work of Kress and van Leeuwen. Their work focused on the “meaning potential” of color and typography (Machin 2007, p.296), as well as adopting the notion that visual images can be understood as “text” and “grammar” in their own right (QTP 2002, p.3). If language is never neutral, then by extension the hypothesis visual imagery cannot be neutral because it is in itself language would hold sway. The key aim of systemic functional multimodal discourse analysis (SF-MDA) is to “capture the expansion of meaning which occurs when linguistic and visual forms combine” (O’Halloran 2008).

Using Kress and van Leeuwen’s (1996) model to understanding meaning through its three distinct categorizations (representational, interactional and compositional meanings), we plan to give an analysis of how color, imagery and sound may play a prominent role in challenging the dominant discourse which we will now outline. Please note that Kress and van Leeuwen’s approach will be used as a reference point and expanded upon in our analysis. Entwined with this approach will be reference to van Dijk’s work on ideology and discourse, should the analysis and findings require supported evidence.

Dominant discourse: The dominant discourses which we have identified are the negativity of gay marriage and same sex-couples, the preference of the nuclear family and marriage. We will briefly discuss how these are interpreted and used in the Irish media, etc. The negativity of gay marriage and same-sex couples focuses on the fact that same-sex couples cannot have children. An example where this is evident is from Murphy’s (2008) article entitled 'We just want to be recognised as a couple - the same as anyone else', in which difference is personified. David Quinn of the Iona Institute, which promotes marriage and religious practice, disputes the introduction of equal rights for same-sex couples and the right to marry on the grounds that "Same-sex relationships cannot produce children, and this is why it is not discrimination to treat heterosexual relationships differently from homosexual ones. They are treated differently because they are different”.

The use of the word “different” is used to negate why same-sex couples should be given equal status. Mr. Quinn later argues that to grant marriage to same-sex couples would be a “triumph of tolerance over reason”. With such a discourse focusing on what is shown as problematic, the article tries to maintain traditional catholic values and ethos. An article in the Irish Examiner by Buckley (2010) also distinguishes the difference of LGBT people. He uses a range of case studies to discuss being gay in the workplace and how people coped with being “different”.
The preference of the nuclear family is another discourse which prevails in Irish society. Under the Irish Constitution (1937) Article 41.1.1°: “The State recognises the Family as the natural primary and fundamental unit group of Society”. However, this article does not set out what family is swears to protect. Instead, this has been interpreted by the judges of Ireland, in the Supreme Court. An RTE (2009) article entitled: ‘Sperm donor granted access to child’ proves that this discourse is dominant.

“Ms Justice Susan Denham ruled there was no such institution as a 'de facto' family in Ireland and that the lesbian couple were not a family under the Constitution” (RTE 2009). This discourse of the family is relayed and portrayed as being what is desirable for society across various media in Ireland.

The dominant discourse of marriage focuses on the ‘union’ between a man and a woman. The constitution also tries to protect the institution of marriage where possible. David Quinn argues that marriage should take children into account. His argument and repeated discourse focuses on the “effect” same-sex marriage would have on the children, as well as the benefits of having “natural parents”, i.e. a mother and father (Murphy 2008). It is a discourse that others have not shielded away from-RTE (2009): “She also found that there was benefit to a child, in general, to have the society of his father”. The counter-hegemonic discourse, whereby same-sex couples argue that marriage is needed to protect their children should one partner die and the reasons, legal and otherwise, why they want to marry are largely ignored or masked with the prevalence of these dominant discourses.

3. A strong hypothesis/research question(s):

What modes, if any, can be used to create and/or maintain counter-hegemonic discourse?

We want to investigate the modes of colour, imagery, and sound, in light of how they formulate discourse. We want to see how they counter the dominant discourses that we previously introduced. Based on the notion that new media platforms are also language and grammar arenas (QTP 2002, p.3) we want to see how the lgbtNOISE website avails of these opportunities to express their views and challenge the discourses of difference, negativity, family and marriage.

4. An account of the discourses present and the evidence you have to support your claim:
In order to conduct our multimodal discourse analysis, we monitored the lgbtNOISE website at two selected intervals-Monday the 22nd of March and Friday the 25th of March to track the changes and note any change in attitude and/or discourses present. However, our findings found that there was no evident change over the five days in which we studied the website intensively.

As training journalists, one reason for this may be the newsworthiness of the content. News is not news if it is old. For it to be relevant it has to be new and impact on the lives of the target audience, in this case lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgendered people in Ireland. Content is usually updated when it reflects these values, for example, if the Civil Partnership Bill had been passed during that week, content would almost certainly have reported this event.

We will now critically introduce the modes we have studied and how they related to the discourses present-did they accept or challenge certain viewpoints etc?
Colour: Colour as a mode of language may be used to represent certain moods and feelings, giving strength to what characteristics are more valued over what is reputed (QTS 2002, pp.6-7). Especially prevalent in the lgbtNOISE website are the colours: pink, blue, white (background), black background in photographs and slides. The colours vary from page to page with certain elements distinguishing themselves from the rest. The ‘gay rainbow’, for e.g. can be found in the top left hand corner. Here, the colours red, yellow and blue are clearly vivid. Martins (2009) suggests that this tri-colour flag acts as a symbol of recognition for the gay and lesbian community. The colours, he argues, represent light (red), sun (yellow) and art (blue). They have become accustomed in a global sphere and act as a form of identity among the large lgbt community in Ireland.

We also find that certain points are emphasized over others by way of colour. For example, headlines and the NOISE banner are decorated in black. According to Machin (2007, p.296) this acts as a source of power and strength, enticing the viewer to read this information which is given extra weighting and significance. This fits in with van Dijk’s observation that “We find that preferred, consistent or otherwise self-serving information will be emphasized, highlighted, focused upon, and made explicit” (1995, p.20).

Kress and van Leeuwen acknowledge that colours through how we prescribe association and enable features are collaborated to give meaning. This they argue is done through processes of brightness, saturation, purity, modulation, etc (Kress and van Leeuwen, cited in Machin 2007, p.296).

These features will not however be introduced in the mode of imagery, accompanying this section because we feel it is more important to link in our methodological framework, given the coherent and structured aim of this group project.

Run for Rights
23 March 2010
Noise urgently needs funding to cover the cost of our campaign. Any run is perfectly achievable for anyone with an ‘average’ fitness level, a decent pair of running shoes and the desire to make a real difference!

Examples of the colours used in the lgbtNOISE website. The website makes use of hypertext-highlighting words with links to stories as well as images used to access related topics (Stewart et al 2001, p.72). The design credentials of the website give rise to the colours black and white in every page. QTS (2002, p.7) offer us a western interpretation of these colours. Black suggests “inner strength and determination, as well as power and formality”, while white suggests purity and cleanliness. These colours converge to create a discourse of the oppressed and in doing so they counter the dominant discourse of being negative and “different”. The colour mode of this website creates a ‘unification’ function, where the lgbt members are united against those who oppress them (bigots, etc) and create their own arena in which to fight back (Thompson, cited in Devereux 2007a, p.153).

Note how the website treats media coverage on gay marriage and same sex-couples. The black and white colours are collectively used to emphasize what lgbtNOISE see as important, almost like a hierarchy of elements.

Imagery: Hence, from the analysis of the colour mode, we should expect images to create their own discourse, rallying to counter the discourses of marriage and family previously introduced. Using Kress and van Leeuwen’s Reading Images approach (1996), we analysed a series of images on the lgbtNOISE website.

Below: The image depicting the six fists represents the colours of the gay rainbow. Orange represents healing, green (calmness), lilac (the spirit) and black (AIDS awareness)-adapted from Martins (2009). We could also question the absence of black in the first image and the presence of white, which Martins says represents cleanliness and purity. Perhaps there is a more salient discourse at play, countering the stereotype of the gay couple having unsafe sex.

Each image, we believe acts as a narrative image and conceptual image. Narrative images deal with actions and events, according to (QTS 2002, p.3). On the flip side, conceptual images explain what things are like. They are in themselves a suggestion. The first image, for example portrayed 5000 marchers demonstrating for gay marriage. It not only told a story, but suggested that times are changing and perhaps now is the time for equal rights. The second image also tells a story and questions why Barry can’t marry Gary. It also raises a moral dilemma and the inequality and discrimination faced by lgbt members. The march for marriage image depicts the march for marriage as a sign of strength-members are showing their fists in a sign of triumph over adversity.

We would argue that these images are demand type images because they “explicitly acknowledges the viewer to influence the viewer in some way to enter into an imaginary relation with the represented participant” (QTS 2002, p.4). However, these images target the viewer to get involved in the march for marriage, which is a real acknowledgement and the disconcerted viewer, who may not want to publicly get involved, can still be a member of this virtual community.

Some of the images of people and fictional characters involve the person looking up and others on an equal level. Images which depict people looking upwards suggest that they are not in the position of power and/or equality, but the participant, i.e. the viewer is. On the other hand, those on an equal eye level pegging are on an equal platform with the participant (QTS 2002, p.5). The close angle shots represent a close intimate relationship with the viewer. It also serves in giving them a sense of power and involvement. They are placed in the top left corner because they aid information value, i.e. they are one of the first elements that the viewer will see and thus have a chance to intrigue the viewer.

The presence of text, black and white also links in with the colour modes to create a discourse which challenges negativity and urges equality. Moreover, the images represent an unjust world that needs to change and strives towards a discourse of positivity, rejecting the dominant values surrounding marriage and family.

The images vary in their modality, i.e. high or low reality value. For example the marcher’s image is high because it is real, whereas the Wizard of Oz image is low, because it is fictional. We believe that the Wizard of Oz image especially challenges the discourse of family and marriage because it presents the aims of the lgbt group. Dorothy is looking upwards, while the Tin Woodman looks at eye level, perhaps suggesting the theme of equality. The march of the central characters, who occur in single file and in numerous patterns suggests the march to gay marriage, and subtly the wickedness of the Wicked Witch of the East, which may represent those who oppose same-sex marriage, etc. The text (framing) accompanying the image reads: “Do your friends and family think you are equal? Now is their chance to prove it”. This image demands an action from the viewer. This not only creates a discourse of activity, but we believe it creates a discourse of togetherness and strength, which would override any attempt by dominant discourses to ‘fragment’ the group, i.e. defeat the group by breaking it into sub groups-gays, lesbians, transgendered and bisexual and creating inner conflict to take from their inherent aim (Thompson, cited in Devereux 2007a, p.154).

The above image also challenges the dominant discourse of family and marriage. Although, a low real value image, it still gets its point across. From analysing the colour black previously, this image makes use of strength and power. It creates a bond of love for children and argues that this is a family. It is a demand image because it epitomises the relationship and goal of the lgbt group. Having previously addressed the dominant nuclear family and marriage discourse as evident in RTE 2009 and Murphy 2008 articles, we see a very different portrayal of the family here. It is also ironic then that we find the same court ruling underneath this image. However, even before we open the link, we are presented with what is desirable and the attitude of the lgbt group. A counter-hegemonic discourse is clearly evident in this mode.

Sound: lgbtNOISE also makes use of sound to convey their preferred and counter-discourses for marriage and family. However, this was incorporated by means of audio-visual videos, which provided links to YouTube. Stewart et al (2001, p.111) suggest that video when combined with audio and sound commentary, they prove an effective means of transmitting information.

In particular, the sound aspect of these videos was used to offer commentary and to create a sense of place and mood. In “Sinead’s Hand” for example, we see a nervous man going around to different people asking for “Sinead’s hand in marriage please”. The use of background music helps shape the scene. The speakers chosen to voice their opinions are in themselves very interesting.

We are, in “Will you marry me”, introduced to a narrator, who talks about the government’s failure to introduce civil marriage and equality in Ireland. Over the course of the video, we are introduced to a lesbian couple who went to Canada to get married, feminist writer Nell McCafferty, protestors, MarriageEquality representatives, psychologists, etc in an attempt to formulate counter-discourse. Statements are greeted with applause, cheers, whistles and chants. The presence of music with the lyrics “people have the power”, “only want to be with you” and “Going to the chapel and we’re going to get married” all add to these discourses.

We hear examples of rhetoric, where speakers emphasize the “failure on the part of political leadership”. ‘We’-the lgbt group are fighting for ‘our’ right not ‘our’ gift. These videos are used to give “the users the impression of a speaker’s personality, a personality that adds to the user’s experience” (Stewart et al 2001, p.111). In effect, the speakers in the videos are purported to represent the majority of lgbt people in Ireland. The counter-discourses of same-sex marriage creating a new version and concept of marriage and the family is argued.

The speakers argue on the grounds of the Constitution, that nowhere is it specifically stated that marriage is between a man and a woman and the family is only accepted as the nuclear family. This mode in our opinion, serves in building upon the discourse of equality. We feel it to be one of the strongest modes we have encountered thus far. It also incorporated other modes, including video, images and text, for example the text which accompanied “Sinead’s Hand” read: “How would you feel if you had to ask 4 million people for permission to get married?” This rhetorical question builds on the major discourse of equality and even merges a discourse of shame and discrimination. We will now conclude by briefly linking our analysis with our approach to discourse analysis.

We found that the sound mode was key in challenging dominant discourses regarding parenting, the family and marriage. However, from an image point of view we see that they merge to strengthen their preferred position. Take the image above. This image challenges what was found in the RTE and Murphy articles, which stated the benefit of having natural parents, a mother and father. This picture challenges that belief and replaces it with an ideal type of a loving, nurturing same-sex couple.


5. A concluding paragraph that links your analysis back to your approach to discourse analysis:
It should be noted that our multimodal group project is in itself a limitation. We selected the modes which we as training journalists had some experience in dealing with from previous modules-Professional Skills for Journalists. We picked sound, colour and imagery on the basis that they are all inter-connected and work in tangent. An analysis of typography, language toolkit used-e.g-nominalization, intertextuality and page layout would also have been interesting. However, we decided to stick with these modes because we could provide a critical and detailed analysis of the discourses present. Thus, this research study should make use of the other available modes in order to interpret the effect they have in shaping discourse, i.e. fully answering our research question.

Nevertheless, we feel that we have fulfilled our research question by using our chosen modes in the best possible way. Using van Dijk's approach we were able to see what role various modes play in creating counter-discourse. We found that the new media platform (lgbtNOISE) was able to challenge the dominant discourses of marriage, family, negativity and difference by creating counter-discourses of positivity, equality, marriage, family and building minor discourses of togetherness and identity. Van Dijk’s (1995, p.32) statement that self-serving information will be emphasized while dispreferred information will be rubbished and disregarded was proven by our analysis.

The new media platform studied offered members a chance to view and create counter-discourse, or even accept dominant discourse. It fulfilled certain needs, according to Stewart et al (2001, pp 71-72), who stated that websites provide information, entertainment and emotional needs. We believe and we have proven that lgbtNOISE seized on the opportunity to challenge the dominant discourses of same-sex marriage and families portrayed in the Irish media arena and public sphere.

Our findings should however, not be taken at face value. The challenge remains, that they need to be transcended across other new media platforms, e.g. blogs, facebook, etc and to help regulate consistency and difference.

Bibliography

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Appendix

In order of appearance (screenshots)

http://lgbtnoise.ie/
http://lgbtnoise.ie/?p=1466
http://lgbtnoise.ie/?cat=9
http://lgbtnoise.ie/?page_id=1070
http://lgbtnoise.ie/?cat=16
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=6ULdaSrYGLQ&feature=player_embedded
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=qLUxXP36ujo&feature=player_embedded#